Wall Street Journal om Genoa

From: Per I. Mathisen (Per.Inge.Mathisen@idi.ntnu.no)
Date: 06-08-01


Meget bra artikkel fra et av de mest borgerlige organene i USA. - Per

---------- Forwarded message ----------
Wall Street Journal - August 6, 2001

G-8 Protesters Say They Were Beaten,
Deprived of Rights by Police in Italy

By YAROSLAV TROFIMOV and IAN JOHNSON
Staff Reporters of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

Just before midnight on July 21, Miriam Heigl, a political-science
student from Munich, was figuring out a way to get home after three
days protesting the Group of Eight summit in the Italian city of
Genoa.

As she scanned train schedules posted in the Armando Diaz school
complex, some 70 members of an Italian SWAT team smashed through the
front door, wielding truncheons and shields, their faces covered with
blue and red handkerchiefs. Ms. Heigl and about 30 others were
arrested and taken to a police barracks, where the 25-year-old says
she was made to strip, humiliated and deprived of basic civil
liberties.

Hospital records show that 61 others in the school fared worse --
they ended up requiring treatment for injuries. "All I remember is
being hit on the head with a truncheon right away," says Melanie
Jonasch, a 28-year-old archeology student from Berlin, "and then I
woke up here" -- in a Genoese hospital, where she has had surgery for
a broken mastoid bone behind her left ear.

To millions world-wide, the Genoa G-8 summit two weeks ago will be
remembered as the most violent in a series of international protests
against "globalization," a rallying cry first popularized during
clashes at a 1999 trade meeting in Seattle. As the leaders of eight
leading industrialized countries met in Italy, TV viewers around the
world watched police fight citywide battles with anarchist militants
who set dozens of cars, banks and storefronts afire.

But out of the TV cameras' gaze, another scene of violence was
unfolding -- on the part of the police. Now, as details of the school
raid emerge sketchily, it is turning into a political crisis for the
government of Silvio Berlusconi, the pro-American media mogul who ran
on a law-and-order platform.

Initially, his government firmly defended police behavior. Mr.
Berlusconi said the school raid simply proved "collusion" between the
anarchists and mainstream demonstrators. Communications Minister
Maurizio Gasparri said it was "a detail" whether "a cop used his
truncheon four times instead of just three." The police, in a report
a few hours after the raid, said that the school was a "refuge of the
extreme fringe of the Black Block," and all those inside were members
of that violent, anarchist group.

More recently, however, the government said something may have gone
wrong. The judiciary has launched an inquiry into the use of violence
during the raid and the treatment of those detained. Parliament has
formed a separate commission of inquiry. Interior Minister Claudio
Scajola promised last Wednesday that "if some untoward behavior will
emerge, and it looks like it is emerging, then it will be severely
reprimanded." Shortly thereafter, he removed three top police
officials, saying this would make it easier to investigate.

Part of the pressure on the government is coming from abroad,
especially Germany. After first helping gather information on 39
Germans arrested in the sweep at Diaz, Berlin is calling for a fuller
accounting. German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer delivered that
demand to his Italian counterpart in a telephone call last week.

The official inquiries are just beginning, but interviews with
numerous participants and witnesses offer the most complete account
yet of the events at the Diaz school. The accounts of 19 Diaz
detainees, who were interviewed in five countries, and those of
doctors, local officials and neighborhood witnesses indicate that
heavy force was used to arrest demonstrators who, for the most part,
hadn't been organizing the preceding days' violence but had been
peacefully protesting. After being denied contact with lawyers and
families for anywhere from one to four days, most of the people
detained at Diaz were brought before judges, who released all but one
and found that the overwhelming majority of the arrests were
"illegitimate."

A complete response from the police wasn't possible because the raid
is under investigation. In an interview, Francesco Gratteri, head of
the national police Central Operative Service, partly defended the
raid. "One must take into account that the raid was very energetic
because it was met with an equally energetic resistance," said Mr.
Gratteri, who stood in the school's courtyard when the police charged
in. But he added that "evidently something abnormal happened there,
which is why there is an investigation."

For Ms. Heigl, the events began around 11 p.m. on Saturday, July 21.
She and her boyfriend, Tobias Hubner, were heading over to the
Pertini middle school, part of a group of junior and senior high
schools known as the Diaz school complex.

Ms. Heigl was feeling a sense of relief. On Friday, a militant had
been shot dead by police. On Saturday afternoon, tear gas had been
used to disperse a crowd estimated by the interior ministry at
200,000. As rumors circulated that the police would raid places where
the demonstrators camped, such as the stadium where she and Mr.
Hubner had been sleeping, they decided they wanted a safer place.
They headed for the school, also open to the demonstrators, because
it was just across the street from the headquarters and press center
for the mainstream organizers.

Eager to Get Home

Back in Munich, Ms. Heigl had been engaged in fighting radical
right-wing groups and won a prestigious national award for her work.
But this was the first big demonstration she had attended, and she
was exhausted from the crowds and flood of information. "Everyone was
unsettled and we just wanted to get home," Ms. Heigl says.

After checking train schedules near a computer area on the ground
floor, she and Mr. Hubner walked upstairs to visit a friend.
Suddenly, panic broke loose. From downstairs she heard cries of
"Police! Police!" as the front door crashed open. Then she heard
screams and the sounds of police yelling and smashing things. "We had
total fear," she says.

Panicked, she and her boyfriend looked for an escape. The school was
under renovation, and scaffolding lined the outer walls. They climbed
onto it and waited.

Downstairs at the computers, Ms. Jonasch stayed put, figuring that
her fluency in Italian would help her explain that she wasn't a
violent militant. She says she had been working as a volunteer at the
headquarters and hadn't been out to the protests. But she says a
group of riot police wearing helmets and body armor charged around
the corner, truncheons flying. She says that besides the initial blow
to her head, which knocked her out, she was hit on the shoulder and
buttocks.

The hospital that treated her received dozens of similar cases. Among
patients still there last week was Daniel Albrecht, a 21-year-old
cello student from Berlin, who has undergone brain surgery to treat
cerebral bleeding and says he hears metallic sounds when he speaks.

Another patient was Lena Zuhlke, a 24-year-old student of Indian
culture at the University of Hamburg, who says she was beaten, thrown
down two flights of stairs and dragged by the hair. "I didn't see any
faces. Throughout all this, I couldn't see anything at all above the
knees," says Ms. Zuhlke, her hand on a jar attached to her chest to
catch fluid draining from her lungs.

Police, while asserting that all those inside the school were
anarchist militants, also have said that any protesters who were
hospitalized were extremists injured during earlier street battles.
That's an explanation that doctors say doesn't mesh with the cases
they saw. "There is no doubt that these wounds were fresh. We had to
sew up many of them on the spot," says Roberto Papparo, head of the
emergency department at Ospedale San Martino, Genoa's biggest
hospital. It dealt with more than 50 injured youths from the Diaz
school shortly after the raid, Dr. Papparo says, adding: "If these
people weren't brought to the hospital, there is no doubt that some
of them wouldn't be alive anymore."

A visit to the school several hours after the raid showed pools of
blood on the floor and walls and several teeth strewn around.

Apart from a handful who escaped, all the demonstrators at Diaz who
weren't hospitalized -- 32 people -- were rounded up. Ms. Heigl says
that after she heard the screaming and saw police beating students
unconscious, she and Mr. Hubner feared they would be in worse danger
if caught clinging to scaffolding. They climbed into the room, knelt
on the floor and put their hands on their heads. That didn't prevent
Mr. Hubner from receiving a few blows to the back and head with a
truncheon, and a dozen others interviewed say they too were hit while
in a submissive position.

Ms. Heigl says she wasn't hit. She was taken to the Bolzaneto police
barracks, which had been turned into a holding center for the G-8
summit. Situated inside a vast park-like complex of the national
police VI Mobile Division, the center had a series of unfurnished
cells that could hold 20 to 30 people each.

Detainees say they had to stand spread-eagle against the wall for two
to three hours. They add that police walked up and down the line,
beating those whose hands slipped and whose heads weren't bent down.
"They kept cursing us and calling us names that I couldn't
understand," Ms. Heigl says.

The man next to Ms. Heigl was pulled from the wall and sprayed
directly in the face with tear gas, say Ms. Heigl and a protester
interviewed separately. He collapsed and was dragged away to be
showered. He came back later, shivering, saying he had been stripped
naked and left under the water for half an hour. The group was then
sent to their cells, and the man had nothing to clothe himself with
except a plastic shower curtain, according to Ms. Heigl and the other
person, who both say they received just one cookie each to eat on
Sunday. At night, they say, they slept on a concrete floor and had
just three blankets for 30 or so people.

"We had this feeling that everything was completely arbitrary and
that they had lost their minds," Ms. Heigl says. "But now I see that
it was all done extremely professionally. They wanted to disorient us
and break us, as though they were dealing with a gang of hardened
terrorists."

The prisoners were registered on Monday, and their numbers at
Bolzaneto police barracks grew as many initially hospitalized were
sent over. Among them was Sherman Sparks, a 23-year-old from Oregon
spending a year in Europe. He said in a sworn affidavit that he had
been kicked in the head and groin during the raid.

He, too, said he had to stand spread-eagle for two hours. He said in
his affidavit, which he sent to the U.S. Consulate in Milan, that
people standing next to him had broken arms and legs and that one man
collapsed, shaking uncontrollably. That incident is related by others
as well. WhenMr. Sparks couldn't understand commands in Italian, his
affidavit alleges, he was slapped or beaten or his head was rammed
into the wall.

Detainees held in different cells and not known to each other paint a
common picture of the one to three days they spent in the detention
center: Strip searches were common. Men and women alike were forced
to use the toilet with police officers, usually men, in attendance.
Women were denied sanitary napkins, and requests for medical
attention were often refused. Roll calls went on day and night.
Detainees were asked to sign documents in Italian that they couldn't
understand and then sent back to the cell. Some signed, while others
refused. Phone calls and contact with attorneys weren't permitted.

A Little Better

Relief for Ms. Heigl came on Tuesday, July 24, when she was one of
the last to be transferred to a normal prison. Before leaving, she
says, she was ordered to strip naked again while a man in a blue polo
shirt inspected her. Some others say the same thing happened to them.
Then they were allowed to dress and eyeglasses taken from some
detainees were returned. But rings, earrings and money that had been
confiscated were not returned, Ms. Heigl and some other detainees
assert.

Many detainees say they felt relieved when they got to the regular
prison. There, they had cots with sheets, and three meals a day. Ms.
Heigl received a message from her parents.

They had been contacted by German authorities one day after the raid.
Her father, Wunibald Heigl, a high-school history teacher in Munich,
says the German authorities hadn't called to provide help but to find
out as much as possible about his daughter. "We called the German
consulate in Milan and were coldly told that everything was going
according to procedures," Mr. Heigl says. The German foreign ministry
had no comment on the raid, saying it was a subject of bilateral
talks.

Detainees say they were given consular access for the first time on
Wednesday or Thursday, except for U.S. citizens, whose diplomats
visited them hours after the school raid. The detainees were also
taken before judges but not allowed to speak to an attorney
beforehand.

All were charged with "aggravated resistance to arrest" and
"membership in an armed conspiracy to cause destruction." The raid
confirmed this membership, the police say. According to their report,
youths inside tried to block the entry gate and "engaged in scuffles"
with the agents. One allegedly tried to stab a policeman. At a news
conference, police displayed a small knife and a half-pierced
protective jacket but couldn't name the attacker.

Many protesters interviewed agree that some Black Block militants may
have been hiding inside the school. But they say that if present,
these militants were a minority and didn't advertise their
affiliation.

Possible Motive

Local government officials say the center of the Black Block was
elsewhere. According to Marta Vincenzi, governor of the Genoa
province, 200 to 300 militants had kicked nonviolent demonstrators
out of a province-owned gym next to the Martin Luther King High
School in theevening of July 19, breaking school furniture inside to
fashion weapons. Ms. Vincenzi and other provincial officials say they
repeatedly called police with requests to intervene, to no avail. Ms.
Vincenzi theorizes that in their raid at Diaz, "police tried to
offset their initial excess of tolerance with an excess of vendetta"
at the school.

Material seized in the raid suggests the police missed their mark.
The police report said the school "was a place dedicated to the
strategic planning and material manufacturing, by all persons present
inside, of instruments to attack police forces." The chief evidence
was two wine bottles filled with flammable liquid plus hammers and
nails taken from the construction site on school premises. In
addition, the police say they confiscated 17 cameras, 13 swimming
goggles, 10 Swiss army knives, four spent tear-gas shells, three
cellular phones, two thermos bottles and a bottle of suntan lotion.
The charges were presented to a team of judges who decided to free
all but one detainee.

Ms. Heigl was released on Wednesday evening. The police initially
decreed that she and the other 77 foreign detainees would be expelled
from Italy and barred for five years, but Italy later said the ban
didn't apply to EU citizens. Ms. Heigl's parents, who had driven to
Genoa to find their daughter, followed the police truck that carried
her and about 30 others to the Austrian border. There, those released
were put on a train to Munich.

Ms. Heigl now will resume work on her master's degree. Earlier this
year, she visited Peru to collect material for a thesis on the
collapse of democracy under Alberto Fujimori. She says her experience
in Genoa has given her a new appreciation of the fragility of civil
liberties: "I realize now I didn't have to go all the way to Peru to
do my studies."

-- Alessandra Pugliese contributed to this article.



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