Hentet fra Left Business Observer-listen. Robert Fisk oppsummerer krigen i
Kosovo.
Mvh,
Per
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Independent (London) - February 7, 2000
The bloody truth of how Nato changed the rules to win a 'moral war'
in Yugoslavia
By Robert Fisk
For me, the proof came near the end of the Yugoslav war, when Nato
bombed a hospital at Surdulice on 31 May last year. Serb soldiers
were hiding in the basement, civilian refugees sleeping above them.
The soldiers survived, the civilians were slaughtered in the raid and
James Shea, Nato's king of excuses, announced that it was "a military
target".
Did he know did Nato know that this building was a hospital, that
there were civilians as well as Yugoslav military hiding there? Sure,
the Yugoslav army were using their own Serb people as human shields.
And shame upon them. But if Nato knew this, then it broke
international law. Article 50, paragraph 3, of the 1949 Geneva
Conventions' Protocol 1 specifically demands the safeguarding of
civilian lives even in the presence of "individuals who do not come
within the definition of civilians".
The bodies of the dead refugees were laid out in the afternoon sun on
the day of their death. One teenage girl lay on the grass a few
metres from a book of love poems; her tragic love and death was
researched and reported in The Independent in November. She was
killed by Nato. So was a young and brilliant Serb mathematics
student, cut down as she tried to rescue the wounded at Varvarin
bridge. An American jet had bombed the narrow old river bridge,
killing the civilians walking across it. It was a saint's day in
Varvarin and a market day the attack happened at about 1pm and the
bridge was too narrow to take a tank.
Just because there wasn't a tank on the bridge at the time, Mr Shea
told us, didn't mean a tank didn't cross it. But the bridge was too
narrow for any Yugoslav tank. And about 20 minutes after the first
bloody assault, another American jet attacked, just in time to kill
the rescuers. The girl, who had just been awarded top prize at her
Belgrade college, was killed by this US pilot as she tried to pull a
wounded man from the road. The same bomb beheaded the local priest as
he emerged from his church.
In the countryside around lay what appeared to be parts of Nato's
favourite weapon, cluster-bombs. They were dropped across all of
Yugoslavia, and most of their civilian victims were in the south of
Serbia. Cluster-bombs tore many of the Albanian refugees to pieces on
the mistargeted convoys of refugees in the early part of the war. And
cluster-bombs possibly dropped by British aircraft killed civilians
in the Serbian city of Nis when a plane mistargeted a local military
barracks. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson,
was so outraged at the Nis attack that she pleaded with alliance
officials to take greater care in their bombardment, as well as
condemning Serbia's "ethnic cleansing" of Kosovo.
At some point in the second half of the Yugoslav war, Nato decided to
stop apologising for civilian deaths.
And you can see why. From its initial attacks on real military
barracks and facilities almost all of them empty Nato's air
bombardment moved to dual-use factories and then "targets of
opportunity" (which doomed many a Kosovo refugee travelling in
convoys in which police vehicles were present) and then slid
promiscuously to transportation routes and hospitals which hid
soldiers and the Serb television station.
Today's Human Rights Watch report is the nearest we have seen so far
to the unvarnished, bloody truth about Nato's campaign in Yugoslavia.
If it depends too heavily on Yugoslav references, including the
carefully produced and detailed though sometimes selective Belgrade
government's "White Book" on Nato "crimes", its analysis of alliance
tactics, claims and barefaced lies (a word not used by Human Rights
Watch, of course) provides a new balance to the history of last
year's "moral" war.
It condemns Nato for the attack on Serb television headquarters as
opposed to transmitters on the basis that it could not be regarded as
a military target, only a propaganda target. And that's exactly how
the cabinet minister Clare Short justified the killing of 16 studio
technicians and a young make-up artist. Needless to say, Nato never
bombed Croatian television headquarters when it was pumping out
propaganda of a similar kind in 1992.
After walking through the rubble of the Serb studios at the time, I
reflected that when you kill people for what they say however much
you hate their words then you have changed the rules of war. And that
is what Nato did from April through to June of 1999. They changed the
rules of war. A military barracks was a legitimate target. Then a
tobacco factory, a road bridge, the railway line at Gurdulice just
when a train was crossing the bridge.
Interestingly enough, Human Rights Watch quotes General Wesley Clark,
Nato's commander, saying of the pilot's video footage of the
passenger train racing over the Gurdulice bridge that "you can see if
you were focusing right on your job as a pilot, how suddenly that
train appeared it was really unfortunate". But the human rights
organisation appears ignorant of recent revelations that Nato
deliberately speeded up the video film for its press audience to
three times the train's actual speed.
The train did not appear "suddenly" as General Clark mendaciously
claimed. It was travelling much more slowly. And despite Human Rights
Watch's claims to have interviewed so many Yugoslav survivors of air
attacks their work is indeed impressive the group seems unaware that
several survivors of the train attack say they saw the aircraft
return for a second strike. Indeed, the evidence at the scene showed
how the first bomb smashed a road bridge above the track, cutting the
electrical wires and stopping the train. A second missile then hit
the carriages.
It was not a war crime, Human Rights Watch says. In fact, Nato
committed no war crimes, according to Kenneth Roth and his
investigators. But it committed "violations of international
humanitarian law" which amounts to about the same thing. And still we
don't know who bombed what. Survivors believe the train was attacked
by a British Harrier. The report says it was an American jet. The
Yugoslavs say the plane that bombed the centre of Aleksinac in April
was British based on intercepted pilot radio messages yet still we
don't know.
In the New Year Honours List, Britain's Kosovo pilots got their
gongs. All their names were printed in The Independent although we
have no idea who was rewarded for their role in Nato's sloppy bombing
campaign Nato failed to hit more than a handful of Serb tanks
throughout the war and the Yugoslav Third Army retired unscratched
from Kosovo or who was bemedalled for watching the radar tracks.
Last September, an unnoticed article in The Officer, a magazine
widely read by Ministry of Defence officials and senior army NCOs,
quoted a British Harrier pilot who had been bombing Serbia the
previous April.
"After a while you've got to ignore the collateral damage [civilian
casualties] and start smashing those targets," he said at the time.
"But the politicians aren't ready for that yet."
They soon were.
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